Sheikh Qabalan al-Qadi al-Tanukhi,
and the Druze's loss of the Emirate of Mount Lebanon,
and Sheikh Qabalan's involvement in the project of the Shihabs, who were “considered Druze” at that time, in the words of Dr. Muhammad al-Basha in his book “Eminent Figures of the Druze,” falling victim to the treachery of Emir Haydar al-Shihabi…
Sheikh Qabalan al-Qadi is considered one of the most prominent Druze leaders and major landowners in the Chouf region in his era, when the rank of Qadi was equivalent to that of an emir. The circumstances of his politics dictated that he align with Emir Haydar al-Shihabi and the Qaysi faction against Mahmoud Pasha Abu Harmoush of the Yamani faction. This was perhaps due to injustices and administrative errors committed by Abu Harmoush during his governance of the emirate while expelling Haydar al-Shihabi from the court of Deir al-Qamar…
Sheikh Qabalan accompanied Emir Haydar in his flight, aiding him politically, financially, and militarily, providing him with guidance, and taking along his only son, Muhammad, to the town of Ghazir in Keserwan. When Abu Harmoush pursued them and burned Ghazir, they took refuge in the Fatima Cave in Hermel.
There, Muhammad was killed—in a fall from a high place, as some said, or due to his horse stumbling—and many suspicions surround his death (see "Eminent Figures of the Druze" by Dr. Muhammad al-Basha, p. 292). Similar suspicions also surrounded the death of his father about two years later, allegedly following a fall from a high place. Emir Haydar then moved to seize his wealth, under the claim that the Sheikh had bequeathed it all to him, or bequeathed half of it, and under another claim that the Sheikh died without an heir, giving the Emir the right to seize his property. Meanwhile, a later Druze account indicates that Sheikh Qabalan bequeathed his estate to his daughter, the wife of Ali Jumblatt. However, the Emir refused to recognize the will, but Druze notables objected to his decision and demanded the execution of the will, since under their law it was the testator's right. The matter was settled through a compromise that safeguarded the Emir's interests, on the one hand, since Ali Jumblatt was descended from a lineage of emirs and was beginning to emerge politically prior to Sheikh Qabalan's death; he was wealthy, and his wealth bolstered his political power, causing concern for the Emir, who feared losing rule from his hands. Therefore, he seized control of the inheritance and made it a tool of leverage against Ali Jumblatt so that he would accept the title of Sheikh—thus becoming one of the spiritual leaders in the country on the other hand—and accept the governorship of the Chouf and Jezzine in place of his uncle Sheikh Qabalan, thereby turning him into a subordinate feudal lord, removing him as a political rival, and neutralizing his threat. Furthermore, he extorted 25,000 qirsh, the Bisri meadow (Marj Bisri), and the farm of Bhannine from Sheikh Ali.
Some dismiss the idea that Sheikh Qabalan's death was “fate and destiny” or a fall from a high place like that of his son, suggesting instead that it was a premeditated assassination at the hands of Emir Haydar and his aides to eliminate rivals. Sheikh Qabalan represented the primary symbols of Druze leadership, came from a lineage of emirs, and posed a threat to the Emir's influence. It is said that Emir Ahmad Ma'n wanted to confer rule upon him, and it is narrated that in his final hours, he advised the notables around him to choose a successor from among themselves rather than from the Shihabs. It was also said that Emir Ahmad accused the Shihabs of killing his only son out of greed for power.
Anyone who examines the terrible crimes committed by the Shihabi rulers, even against brothers, fathers, and close relatives, would not rule out the validity of the accusations regarding the murder of Emir Ahmad's son and the murder of Sheikh Qabalan and his son. However, the pressure exerted at the Samqaniyya assembly in 1698 shifted this course: the Qaysi Druze, who were the stronger faction, preferred that the country be ruled by a Qaysi emir from outside the emirate rather than by a Yamani from within it. No one recorded any objection from the Yamanis, as historians were biased toward the Qaysis, since people follow the religion of their kings.
But what is certain is that the selection of the Shihabs for the emirate did not meet with the consensus of all leaders, as evidenced by the subsequent Yamani revolt led by Mahmoud Pasha Abu Harmoush. It was Sheikh Qabalan who granted the monks land to build the Monastery of Our Lady of Mashmousheh, in addition to lands donated by an unnamed princess, said to have been the wife of Emir Ahmad Ma'n. Sheikh Qabalan also donated land to build the Melkite Greek Catholic Monastery of the Holy Saviour (Dayr al-Mukhallis) in Iqlim al-Kharroub in 1709 through Metropolitan Euthymios Saifi. He then endowed extensive properties to the monastery in 1712, signing the deeds of transfer as “Qabalan,” confirming those endowments, adding new ones, and placing the Monastery of the Holy Saviour under his protection.
Regrettably, no position has reached us from any cleric or spiritual body representing the perspective of Druze religious authorities, except for the individual stance of Judge Sheikh Qabalan al-Qadi, who was swept up in the project of the Qaysi Druze, who in turn were swept up in the project of the Shihabs, represented by the Qaysi Haydar al-Shihabi. This was perhaps due to the reluctance of the Druze sheikhs to take any stance regarding matters of authority—which was a rule characterized by unjust tax collection, bloody conflicts, and power struggles—leading them to leave matters to whatever fate would bring…
Ibrahim al-Aqel, Studies in Society and History
